>> He notes the inevitable phenomena of minority classes enrolled by their perspective minorities—a.k.a. Black studies with blacks, Chicano studies with Chicanos, Asian American studies with Asian Americans, and even women's studies with women. This, therefore, not only defeats the diversifying purpose of these studies, but further insulates minorities within themselves and allows for the broader majority of the student population to shirk their responsibilities of becoming better acquainted with other cultures. It should be noted, that while these classes are offered to the greater academic community and are taken advantage of by minorities, members of these minorities also have the responsibility of extending their breadth of knowledge by perhaps enrolling in a minority class to which they do not belong. This expansion of areas to be studied within the general curriculum, ultimately leads to a broader understanding of the matrix of oppression—the interaction of various types of oppression (sexuality, racism, class oppression) that form the comprehensive basis of existence for the minority.

>>It has been a long struggle to achieve the initial establishment of these ethnic studies classes. The initial struggle for Asian American studies, was born of a period of civil strife and discontent. With the Vietnam War and the Civil Rights movement as the backdrop, activist groups were not unusual and change was the goal throughout much of young America . The struggle for Asian American studies, therefore, focused on militant action and according to Malcolm X, “freedom by any means possible” (Omatsu, 21). This period of activism focused on the utilization of uncompromising demands for change, for freedom from generations of racial oppression, and “the main thrust was not one of seeking legitimacy and representation within American society but the larger goal of liberation” (Omatsu, 21). Therefore, these activists sought the more ideological goal of freedom, as opposed to the ever-present possibility of merely assimilating and adhering to the social status quo.

>>This reshaping of Asian American communities may be traced back to a centralized moment—the 1968 Third World Strike at San Francisco State . This strike, ultimately resulting in the nation's first School of Ethnic studies, succeeded more importantly in enacting grassroots projects directed at spreading community consciousness throughout society (Omatsu, 25). It was unique in that it organized a cohesive front with which to fight for the universal demand for freedom, and integrated African Americans, Latinos, American Indians, and Asian Americans. This cooperation occurred on a multitude of levels (theoretical and political, primarily), and “that was the whole thrust of the strike—the solidarity” (Aoki, 331). Therefore, this discourse between activist groups promoted the instigation of community action, terms of successful negotiations, and views for revolutionary change.

>>On a more theoretical and high education level, organizers recognized the educational relevance of the movement. To continue to comply with academic standards of the present would deemphasize the importance of the history of people of color, and toaccept Eurocentric views as fact (Wei, 15). Therefore, the more fundamental and tangible goal for the movement centered around a diversifying of academic studies, to encompass the needs and interests of those minorities attending the university. In addition, activists expanded this call for educational reorganization to heighten political awareness and consciousness “of low income workers, tenants, small business people, high school youth, etc.” (Omatsu, 31), which ultimately involved a greater mass of movement participants on the local level. This link between campus and community, similarly served to further the organizing cause by allowing outsiders of the academic community to become invested in the interest of social change. Community involvement allowed for the trickle-down effect to expand activism into the more general minority population, “transforming the political face of our communities” (Omatsu, 28).

>> The final component of the Asian American movement's organizing process consists of praxis (perspective of the movement through a variety of contexts). The Asian American movement not only connected people of Asian descent with other people of color, it also reconnected with them with their own ethnic roots by “reclaim[ing] a heritage of struggle” (Omatsu, 25). The interest in the past, sharing of cultural history, and unity in struggle resulted in successful political organizing—which occurred because groups realized and united over shared experiences (Fong, 286). Therefore, the interaction of these four principles in community organizing resulted in the solidarity of various ethnicities under the united call for liberation. With these great strides in the ultimate establishment of ethnic studies within the nation's greatest educational institutions, the fight for a continued presence within the curriculum must be initiated.

>> Within the more specific context of the 5-C's, it is this dedication to the minority classes that will ultimately bring about racial discussions which will subsequently raise overall awareness of issues inherent to the minority communities. While such groups as AAMP and AASU also dedicate their purpose to the furtherance of said acceptance and awareness, but Tina from Scripps notes the need for such conversations to start within the Classroom.

“I want them to start in where predominantly, there are white kids you know, because whenever we talk about race, or gender, or sexuality… it is just like taboo, we just brush over it,” --Tina

>> She refers to the inability for debates or discussions of a less politically correct nature to arise. She notes that these more sensitive subjects, are in fact addressed in Asian American classes and result in heated discussions that are ultimately the stepping stone towards greater peer awareness.

>> Additionally, this political correctness is a mixed blessing for the minority communities. Oftentimes, the overall college community voices its support for overt liberalism—but does not, in fact, act on these cries for change. This political correctness also can inhibit any discussions that can set off any volatile expressions of opinion, which is not healthy in any academic, social, or political setting. Sandhya from Pomona , notes this supposed liberalism in her attempt to converse with her professor about her sexuality. The professor, although dedicated to PC'ness, refused to listen or acknowledge such a taboo subject.

>> In addition to these more broad goals of education, differences within the Asian American community must simultaneously be addressed. There is a prevailing ignorance or lack of acknowledgement of the disparate class, race, and sexuality situations facing the greater Asian American population. Many Asian Americans of the Claremont Colleges have cited class as a more segregating factor than race in the context of relations among peers. Pat of Pitzer notes that,

“Basically what happened was I hung out with all the poor minorities. We were all thrown together because we didn't really get along with anyone else in school and the minorities there, especially the Asian people there who were well-off would just hang out with the other white people.”--Pat

>> He found that divisions between his classmates arose from socio-economic class as opposed to merely the more easily blamed system of racism—as people are more comfortable speaking of race over “poorness.” This comfort in acknowledging class is acknowledged by Lan,

“For me personally, more unifying factors are issues of class and I tend to hang out a lot more and am more comfortable with people who are poor, um, yeah poor.”

>> She corroborates this assertion with an added belief that to her it is the fact, “that they are rich as opposed to the fact that they're white.”

>> Diversity amongst Asian Americans has also been an area of confusion for many not directly within this community. Although it is not common, there is still that ever-present generalization that all Asians are either Chinese or Japanese. As the population of Asians proves to be increasing steadily, this myth is becoming more and more untrue. The newer Asian immigrants to the United States have been consisting largely of Southeast Asians (such as Vietnamese and Cambodians) along with the South Asian and Filipino population—populations which are often excluded in the more general definition of “Asian.” Sandhya of Pomona notes the absence of South Asians at the 5-C's, and also the inclination for people to group her along with any other South Asian,

“Like, I've always been confused with [other South Asians] growing up in high school… But so, growing up the three of us always went to school together and people would always be like, ‘Are you sisters?' or would confuses us, or would ask us if we knew so-and-so, and oh my gosh how could we not know them… and by the way they live in New York.”--Sandhya

>> Sandhya echoes the frustration felt by many Asians when grouped into an incorrect association, or labeled into some arbitrary category. This has become an issue among Asians, as the number of Asians accepted into the 5-C's supposedly rises—as the diversity within these accepted is not always taken into account.